Executioners and state criminals. Sergey Ivanovich Lysyuk S and Lysyuk recommendations for special training
Sergei Lysyuk was born on July 25, 1954 in Borzya, Zabaikalsky Krai. In 1975 he graduated from the Ordzhonikidze Higher Military Command School of the Internal Troops of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the USSR and was sent to serve in the Separate Motorized Rifle Division. special purpose named after Felix Dzerzhinsky of the Internal Troops of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the USSR.
Lysiuk devoted more than fifteen years to the creation and development of special forces of the internal troops of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. The first special-purpose company, formed specifically for the XXII Summer Olympic Games in 1980 in Moscow as an anti-terrorist unit, eventually became a battalion, and then turned into the Vityaz detachment, commanded by Sergei Ivanovich for many years.
Sergei Lysyuk received his baptism of fire in Sumgayit in February 1988. The commandos were given the task of cutting off the instigators of mass riots from the crowd. We coped then mainly thanks to general physical training. Then, together with the detachment, he took part in suppressing riots and maintaining public order in Ferghana, Nagorno-Karabakh, Yerevan, Baku, and other "hot spots" of the perestroika era.
Repeatedly Lysyuk led his subordinates during special operations to free the hostages. The special forces acted confidently and decisively when neutralizing terrorists in the Sukhumi temporary detention center, in one of the correctional labor colonies in the Urals and under other emergency circumstances.
Sergei Ivanovich was directly involved in the October events of 1993 in Moscow. On October 3, the Vityaz special-purpose detachment under the command of a lieutenant colonel carried out the task of protecting the Ostankino television center.
Decree of the President Russian Federation dated October 7, 1993, for the courage and heroism shown in the performance of a special task, Lieutenant Colonel Sergey Ivanovich Lysyuk was awarded the title of Hero of the Russian Federation with the Gold Star medal.
After his dismissal from the army, Colonel Sergei Lysyuk became president of the Association for the Social Protection of Special Forces "Brotherhood of Maroon Berets" Vityaz "and a member of the board of the Union of Anti-Terror Veterans.
Sergey Lysyuk's awards
Gold Star of the Hero of the Russian Federation - for courage and heroism
Order "For Merit to the Fatherland" IV degree
Order of the Red Banner
Order of the Red Star
Medal "For Military Merit"
Medal "In memory of the 850th anniversary of Moscow"
Medal "For Distinction in Military Service", 1st class
Medal "60 Years of the Armed Forces of the USSR"
Medal "70 Years of the Armed Forces of the USSR"
Medal "200 years of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia"
Medal "For cooperation with the FSB of Russia"
Medal "For Impeccable Service" 1st, 2nd and 3rd class
Original taken from alex_serdyuk to Lysyuk, who killed your fighter?
Hero of the Russian Federation Colonel Sergey Ivanovich Lysyuk
He was born on July 25, 1954 in the town of Borzya, Chita Region. After graduating from the Ordzhonikidze Military Command School of the Internal Troops in 1975, he served in the division named after. F. Dzerzhinsky.
After the "capture" of the city hall building, which was surrendered without any resistance by government forces, supporters of the Supreme Council in cars and foot columns seized from the internal troops moved to Ostankino to seize the television center and provide the leaders of the Supreme Council with the opportunity to go on the air.
The leadership of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation, having learned about this, sent reinforcements to the television and radio complex, which was already guarded according to the enhanced version. The Vityaz detachment, a special-purpose unit of the internal troops of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation, was advanced to Ostankino. Over a hundred fighters of the "Vityaz" on the "beteers" moved from the White House to the television center parallel to the supporters of the Supreme Council. Both columns saw each other. The movement of the columns along the way from the White House to the television center was monitored by the traffic police.
The automobile convoy of supporters of the Supreme Council was led by General Makashov in a "captured" police "UAZ". His bodyguards and the "North" group were driving one of the vehicles seized from units of internal troops. The car drove Konstantinov AND.The. and Anpilov V.I.
Makashov had about 20 people armed with machine guns at his disposal. In addition, young people joined the "North" group, who were carrying with them an RPG-7 grenade launcher taken from the riot police and two shots (grenades) to it.
By 7 p.m., at least 480 police officers and servicemen of the internal troops were guarding the complex of buildings of the Ostankino shopping mall, a significant part of the riot police and special forces. They were armed with at least 320 assault rifles, machine guns, sniper rifles, 130 pistols, 12 grenade launchers, including an RPG-7 anti-tank grenade launcher, with a sufficient amount of ammunition. They had six armored personnel carriers, regular means of communication, personal protection, and special means. The general leadership was carried out by the deputy commander of the internal troops of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, who had the appropriate powers.
A column led by Makashov A.M. arrived at the TV center also at about 17:00. The arrivals went to the 17th entrance, where spontaneous rallies arose. At the same time, Makashov urged the demonstrators to keep order, asked them not to break anything, not to beat, since the property of the television center is public property.
The leaders of the police department came out for negotiations. Makashov, Anpilov and people from their entourage went up to them on the porch. Makashov demanded that the TV center be handed over, that a cameraman be allocated and that the leaders of the Supreme Soviet and the opposition be given the opportunity to go on air.
The police officers said that they could not hand over the television center without instructions. Makashov, agreeing with their arguments, provided an opportunity to contact his leadership. Waiting for reinforcements, the policemen were playing for time in the negotiations. Makashov was informed that the issue of providing air was resolved, but it would be done from another building, and was offered to move there.
Believing the promises, Makashov, together with the guards and the Sever group subordinate to him, moved to the ASK-3 building. Most of the demonstrators moved there as well. Impromptu rallies continued demanding the provision of air. Employees and military personnel of the Ministry of Internal Affairs were persuaded to go "to the side of the people." Among the protesters there were many journalists, photo and television correspondents who filmed the events, and simply curious people. At the same time, the presence of extremists and outright provocateurs is obvious. Groups of people separated from the protesters, blocking the traffic, began to stop the trolleybuses passing along the street and disembark passengers from there.
Without waiting for the "live broadcast", Makashov, in an ultimatum tone, demanded that the guards hand over their weapons and open the doors. The police officer, who came out for negotiations, refused to hand over the guarded object. Makashov said that in three minutes he would begin the assault.
The brought grenade launcher and one grenade to it were taken by one of Makashov's subordinates. Being a purely civilian person, he could not bring the grenade launcher into a position suitable for firing, or even load a grenade.
Seeing the grenade launcher and manipulations with it, the Vityaz fighters, who were guarding the building, climbed out of the lobby to the first floor and took cover behind a concrete parapet. The situation was reported to the commander of the unit and received a command to resist in the event of an assault.
After another ultimatum, two trucks of supporters of the Supreme Council rammed the entrance to ASK-3 and the window next to it. The officer in charge of this area asked permission to open fire in order to repel an attack on a protected object, as stipulated by military regulations. The commander of the "Vityaz" and the deputy commander of the internal troops, who was in ASK-1, forbade this, although shots at the radiators and wheels of cars could "defuse" the situation without bloodshed.
A police officer from St. Petersburg, who was part of the "alternative Ministry of Internal Affairs" unit (from among the "stormers"), defiantly manipulated the grenade launcher, indicating that it could fire.
At this time, one of the members of Makashov's guard was wounded in the leg by a shot from the building. Medical volunteers rendered assistance to the wounded on the spot, carried him on a stretcher to the vehicle to be taken to the hospital.
Immediately at the breach at the place of the doors in ASK-3 there was a powerful explosion(according to many eyewitnesses - two simultaneous explosions). Shrapnel wounded people standing nearby. Simultaneously among the fighters of the "Vityaz" on the first floor there was an explosion of an unidentified explosive device, during which Private Sitnikov N.Yu. was killed. This explosion was mistaken for the explosion of a grenade fired from a grenade launcher by the attackers. However, the investigation established with certainty that a shot into the building through the main entrance with a PG-7 VR cumulative tandem grenade from a grenade launcher that the attackers had was not fired.
Sitnikov Nikolai Yurievich was born on January 2, 1974 in the village of Maslyanino, Novosibirsk Region. Not married. Before being drafted into the army, he lived with his parents in the village of Maslyanino. Private conscript military unit 3485 (special purpose detachment "Vityaz"). Military specialty - sapper. October 17, 1993 Sitnikov N.Yu. awarded the title of Hero of the Russian Federation posthumously. Buried Sitnikov N.Yu. at home.
Thanks to the media, already on the morning of October 4, the version was brought to the attention of the public and accepted as true by everyone that the first shot in Ostankino was fired by supporters of the Supreme Council from an RPG-7 V-1 grenade launcher with a PG-7 BP tandem cumulative action grenade and it was from this Shot as a result of a shrapnel wound, Private Sitnikov died. The approval of this version in the general opinion was facilitated by the conclusion of an examination conducted at the Central Forensic Laboratory of the Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation. It stated that all of Sitnikov's bodily injuries could have been caused by a single shot from a high-powered weapon, it is possible that from a grenade launcher.
Neither in the research part of the conclusion, nor in his conclusions, the expert explained why he named a grenade launcher as a weapon. However, he did not name, even presumably, the grenade launcher systems and the used grenade, of which there are many, different in power and purpose.
How Private Sitnikov died
The unmotivated conclusions of the expert caused us doubts. Moreover, the examination did not take into account the results of the inspection of the scene, did not examine Sitnikov's clothes and personal protective equipment of a special forces soldier of the Ministry of Internal Affairs.
The expert was interrogated and explained that he knew from the media about the death of Sitnikov from a grenade launcher shot by the attackers. Based on the objective picture of the wounds and, in particular, on the diameter of the wound channel, he determined the ammunition, which could be a grenade from an underbarrel grenade launcher. He didn't even mean the RPG-7 grenade launcher.
At the same time, the supporters of the Supreme Council, who were at that moment in Ostankino, did not have a single "grenade launcher".
Due to doubts about the results of the primary examination, a repeated commission complex medical and forensic examination was appointed, which, along with forensic medical experts, involved explosives experts, ballistas, developers and users of grenade launchers and personal protective equipment - bulletproof vests.
The experts got acquainted with the materials of the criminal case, with video and photographic materials, visited the scene. The clothes of the deceased and his body armor, collected in parts from various museums, were subjected to a thorough study. At the range of internal troops, an investigative experiment was carried out with the shooting of a PG-7 VR grenade from an RPG-7 V-1 grenade launcher with imitation of the conditions of the scene.
The results of the investigative experiment showed that the PG-7 VR tandem cumulative grenade has a huge penetrating (burning) power and, when “working” inside the building, should have left serious damage, which was not in the ASK-3. This was also confirmed by the leading specialist in grenade launchers of the Main Rocket and Artillery Directorate of the General Staff of the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation, who, after studying the case materials, watching a large number of video and photographic materials, examining the scene of the incident, categorically stated that the PG-7 VR grenade in the room where Sitnikov died, didn't work.
The second examination disproved the conclusions of the first one.
The conclusion states that at the time of his death Sitnikov was in a prone position behind a concrete parapet. Thus, a direct hit on him when fired from the side of the attackers was excluded. His injuries are the result of an unidentified device rupturing in close proximity to him (explosive injury). Experts categorically rejected the possibility of injuring Sitnikov with a shot from an RPG-7 grenade launcher or from an underbarrel grenade launcher. They proved that there was no explosion of the warhead of a PG-7 VR grenade at the place of his death.
Taking into account the results of the examination and other evidence collected in the case, we concluded that Sitnikov died not from a grenade launcher shot by supporters of the Supreme Council, journalists and onlookers standing in front of the entrance to ASK-3, but as a result of the explosion of some device, located inside the building, that is, AT THE DEFENDERS. Thus, the version of the leaders of the "defense" of the television center was refuted, that the opening of fire to kill was a retaliatory measure for a shot from a grenade launcher and the murder of a serviceman of internal troops.
Victims of heavy fire
Two or three seconds after the explosions inside and outside ASK-3, heavy fire was opened from the buildings of the television complex and from other places where the internal troops and police officers were located. They fired bursts and single shots from sniper rifles at armed and unarmed people, at militants and journalists, at active participants in the events and just onlookers. They fired at the wounded and at the people who tried to carry them out. So the American lawyer Terry Michael Duncan was killed, at that fateful hour for him, pulling out the wounded from under fire.
Duncan Terry Michael was born on January 24, 1967 in the USA, Georgia. Lawyer for Firestone-Duncan. He has been in Moscow since June 28, 1993. Duncan's body was taken to his homeland and buried there.
Witness Boytsov A.A., photojournalist for APN, said that from 5 pm on October 3 he was in Ostankino, photographing the events. At about 7:30 pm, General Makashov's armed men pushed journalists and civilians away from the central entrance. Soon, an explosion was heard at the entrance, after which heavy fire began from the building at the people who were nearby. The fire was fired to kill. He and foreign photojournalist Paul Otto took cover from bullets behind concrete flower beds. Shooting at them with tracer bullets continued for a long time.
The fighters saw how the American Duncan pulled three wounded out of the shelling. These moments were photographed by him.
Paul Otto and the crawling Duncan repeatedly turned to the Vityaz servicemen who were shooting at them, shouted that they were foreign journalists, asked them not to shoot and to give them the opportunity to leave the firing zone. In response to the appeal, obscene language was carried and the shooting intensified in their direction.
During such "negotiations" someone from the "Vityaz" allowed them to leave. Boytsov translated the words of a serviceman to Paul Otto, who got up from behind a flower bed and was immediately wounded in the stomach by a shot from the ASK-3 building. The Vityaz fighters made it impossible to crawl up to Paul Otto to provide assistance, shooting at anyone who tried to get close to the wounded. Duncan, being nearby, encouraged Paul Otto with words and talked to him so that the wounded man would not lose consciousness. This went on for a long time, until one of the automatic bursts Duncan was wounded. He fell silent and did not speak again.
The fighters saw how several citizens carried Paul Otto out of the fire, who said that the wounded Duncan had also remained there. One of these people appealed three times to the Vityaz servicemen, who were in ASK-3 and were shelling the area, persuading him to let him through and give him the opportunity to take out the wounded foreigner. In response, obscene language was heard from the building. Then this man, waving his hand, got up and went to the lying Duncan, but did not reach him, as he was wounded in the back by machine gun fire from the ASK-3 building. The man who had fallen by the legs was dragged out of the shelling zone and carried away. Boytsov photographed the moment of his wound in the back and removal from under the fire, taking two pictures. The investigation established that Yu.E. Mikhailov was killed.
Mikhailov Yuri Egorovich was born on August 27, 1958 in Moscow. Russian. Married, had two minor children. Lived on Altufevskoe highway. He was buried at the Lianozovsky cemetery of the capital.
During interrogation, the victim Paul Otto said that on October 3 he filmed the events at the central entrance of ASK-3. It was located on the right side of the truck that broke the windows of the entrance to the building. At about 7:30 p.m., a strong explosion was heard from the left side of the truck. A few seconds later, heavy machine gun fire began. He immediately fell down and hid behind flower bed. To his right lay a young guy with a machine gun, who was wounded at the very first shots and died after a short time (as the investigation established, he was a member of the Sever group).
The heavy shooting continued for about ten minutes. There was a lull, then the shooting resumed. He lay behind the flower bed for about an hour. I saw a man nearby, openly walking from the wounded to the wounded and pulling three or four victims to a safe place.
He thought that this was some kind of crazy person - he was pulling out the wounded under bullets and was not afraid. This man approached him openly and asked where he was wounded. He replied that he was not injured. They got to know each other. He was surprised to learn that this was also an American, Duncan Terry Michael. At that time, the shooting intensified, and Duncan also lay down behind a flower bed.
They talked for about ten minutes, but he was wounded in the stomach, about which he informed Duncan, who promised to take him out to a safe place when the shooting subsided. To keep him from losing consciousness, Duncan talked to him or called out numbers, and he continued to count.
About 10 minutes later, the shooting intensified. Duncan was hit in the head, and he fell silent. After some time, Paul Otto himself was carried out by some people and taken to the hospital.
Paul Otto was born on April 24, 1969 in Ithaca, New York. US citizen, photojournalist for the Moscow bureau of The New York Times. He has been in Moscow since January 1993. Permanent residence: USA, Lansing.
At the initial stage, there were practically no return fires by supporters of the Supreme Council.
After the outbreak of hostilities, the units of the Ministry of Internal Affairs in Ostankino were reinforced. By 8 p.m., 58 servicemen of the Vityaz detachment, armed with 52 machine guns and sniper rifles, six machine guns, and three grenade launchers, arrived at the television center in three BTEers. At the same time, ten BTEers arrived with a hundred servicemen of military unit 3186.
By 20.30, four servicemen of military unit 3485 delivered ammunition and additional weapons - 17 assault rifles, machine guns, sniper rifles, five grenade launchers, one pistol. At the same time, 90 servicemen of military unit 5401 and 89 servicemen of military unit 5476 arrived. Armament - 155 machine guns and rifles, 26 pistols.
By 9 p.m., ten servicemen of military unit 3485 arrived in Ostankino on five BTEers with standard weapons.
Thus, after the start of hostilities, up to 450 additional servicemen of the internal troops with standard weapons and necessary quantity ammunition. The arrivals were placed at the disposal of the Deputy Commander of the Internal Troops of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation, who was in charge of the "defense" of the television center.
In total, in Ostankino on the evening and night of October 3, 1993, the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation concentrated at least 24 armored personnel carriers and over 900 military and police personnel with standard weapons. It is obvious that the supporters of the Supreme Council could not "take" the television center, and the events that took place near the television center after the shooting began cannot be called an assault. However, it is not clear why extremist-minded people set fire to the ASK-3 building with bottles of gasoline and prevented the fire from being extinguished. They also tried to set fire to the armored personnel carriers of the internal troops, which caused an increase in return firing at people.
The provocations of the extremists, the inaction of the guards and units of the internal troops at the initial stage, their unjustifiably tough actions subsequently led to a large number of victims, including among citizens not involved in the events.
Along with the erroneous version about the circumstances of the outbreak of hostilities in Ostankino, I would like to refute the "legend" that has been widely spread so far about the death at the hands of supporters of the Supreme Council of one of the television workers.
Krasilnikov Sergey Nikolaevich was born on March 11, 1948 in Moscow. Head of the hardware video recording AVZI-18, located in the ASK-3 building of the TTC "Ostankino". Lived on Chicherin Street.
October 3 Krasilnikov S.N. was at his workplace in office No. 1276 on the first floor of ASK-3. After the explosions and the start of shooting, he left the office. In the niche where the door is located, he received a penetrating gunshot wound to the head, from which he died on the spot.
A witness who worked that evening with the deceased said that at 4 p.m. they learned from a TV program that the White House was being unblocked and that supporters of the Supreme Council were going to Ostankino. Together with Krasilnikov, they went to the police station and saw that they were armed and wearing body armor. A column of demonstrators with flags approached the television center from the side of the VDNKh metro station along Koroleva Street.
Returning to the control room, we continued to work. We went out into the hall several times and saw armed men in camouflage there.
When the shooting started, Krasilnikov went out into the hall, she dragged him back, telling him not to stick his head out.
After some time, Krasilnikov, under the pretext that he needed to go up to the second floor for work, again left the room. She turned off the equipment and the lights. I saw that the door to the corridor was open. I called Sergei, there was no answer. She went to the door and saw Krasilnikov lying on the left against the wall, feet out. There was a lot of blood on the floor. She realized that Krasilnikov had been killed.
The head of the shift of the department of operational information programs of the television center said that after the explosion and the start of heavy shooting, he called AVZI-18 to order the employees who worked there to leave the control room. He was informed that Krasilnikov had been wounded and was lying at the door to the control room. I ran downstairs and saw a body on the floor. I wanted to get closer to help, but was stopped by a shout from the main entrance: "Back! Otherwise I'll shoot!" He asked them not to shoot, because the lying person needed help. He was threatened with a shot, not allowed to approach. Having gone to the first-aid post, he tried to call an ambulance, but he could not. Putting on a white coat, he again tried to approach Krasilnikov. They didn't let him go again.
The results of the inspection of the scene (part of ASK-3, where Krasilnikov was killed), together with the conclusions of the examination and the testimony of witnesses, led to the conclusion that the shot that killed the victim was fired along the corridor from the main entrance hall to the building where the defenders of the television center were located military personnel of internal troops and employees of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. Outside the building, where there were demonstrators and members of the paramilitary formations of the Supreme Soviet, it was impossible to hit Krasilnikov either with an aimed shot or a ricochet. The attackers were unable to penetrate the first floor of the building and above and could not shoot from the hall.
Thus, it was established that Krasilnikov was killed not by supporters of the Supreme Council, but by employees of the Ministry of Internal Affairs or military personnel.
The bloody events in Ostankino, the "defense" against the assault, which was not, were the threshold of even more bloody events at the White House on the morning and afternoon of October 4th.
Read about the events of October 4, 1993 and the storming of the White House by federal troops (based on criminal case No. 18/123669-93) in the next issue.
Sergei Ivanovich Lysyuk(born July 25, 1954, Borzya, Chita region, RSFSR, USSR) - colonel, Hero of the Russian Federation.
Biography
After graduating from college, he was sent to serve in the Separate Motorized Rifle Division for Special Purposes. F. E. Dzerzhinsky of the Internal Troops of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the USSR.
He has successively held the following positions:
- platoon commander ,
- Deputy Commander of a Special Forces Training Company
- commander of a special purpose training company,
- battalion commander,
- Commander of the special forces detachment "Vityaz" (until 1994).
After his dismissal from the army, he became president of the Association for the Social Protection of Special Forces "Brotherhood of Maroon Berets" Vityaz "" and a member of the board of the Union of Anti-Terror Veterans.
Participation in military operations
Participated in the suppression of riots and maintaining public order during the Sumgayit pogrom (1988), the Armenian pogrom in Baku (1990), the Karabakh conflict (1991), etc.
He led his subordinates during special operations to free hostages, including the neutralization of terrorists in the Sukhumi temporary detention center and in one of the corrective labor colonies in the Urals.
Events of October 1993 in Moscow
He took a direct part in the October events of 1993 in Moscow. On October 3, 1993, the Vityaz detachment under the command of Lieutenant Colonel S.I. Lysyuk opened fire on people who were near the Ostankino television center, as a result of which at least 46 people were killed and at least 124 were injured. For participation in the October events of 1993, S. I. Lysyuk was presented to the title of Hero of Russia.
Awards
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Notes
Literature
- Lazarev K.// Brother: Monthly magazine of special forces units. - M .: LLC "Vityaz-Brother", 2012. - No. 12. - S. 10-13.
Links
Site "Heroes of the Country".
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An excerpt characterizing Lysyuk, Sergei Ivanovich
In Dolokhov's large office, decorated from wall to ceiling with Persian carpets, bearskins and weapons, Dolokhov sat in a traveling beshmet and boots in front of an open bureau, on which lay bills and wads of money. Anatole, in his unbuttoned uniform, walked from the room where the witnesses were sitting, through the office to the back room, where his French footman and others were packing the last things. Dolokhov counted money and wrote it down.“Well,” he said, “Khvostikov should be given two thousand.
- Well, let me, - said Anatole.
- Makarka (that's what they called Makarina), this one disinterestedly for you through fire and into water. Well, the scores are over, - said Dolokhov, showing him a note. - So?
“Yes, of course, that’s how it is,” said Anatole, apparently not listening to Dolokhov and with a smile that did not leave his face, looking ahead of himself.
Dolokhov slammed the bureau shut and turned to Anatole with a mocking smile.
- And you know what - drop it all: there is still time! - he said.
- Fool! Anatole said. - Stop talking nonsense. If you only knew... The devil knows what it is!
“Damn right,” said Dolokhov. - I'm talking to you. Is this a joke you're up to?
- Well, again, teasing again? Went to hell! Huh?... – Anatole said with a frown. “The right is not up to your stupid jokes. And he left the room.
Dolokhov smiled contemptuously and condescendingly when Anatole left.
“Wait a minute,” he said after Anatole, “I’m not joking, I’m talking business, come, come here.
Anatole again entered the room and, trying to concentrate his attention, looked at Dolokhov, obviously involuntarily submitting to him.
- You listen to me, I'm telling you the last time. What should I joke with you? Did I cross you? Who arranged everything for you, who found the priest, who took the passport, who got the money? All I.
- Well, thank you. Do you think I'm not grateful to you? Anatole sighed and hugged Dolokhov.
- I helped you, but still I have to tell you the truth: the matter is dangerous and, if you take it apart, stupid. Well, you'll take her away, okay. Will they leave it like that? It turns out that you are married. After all, you will be brought to criminal court ...
– Ah! stupidity, stupidity! - Anatole spoke again, grimacing. “Because I told you. BUT? - And Anatole, with that special predilection (which stupid people have) for the conclusion that they reach with their own mind, repeated the reasoning that he repeated a hundred times to Dolokhov. “After all, I explained to you, I decided: if this marriage is invalid,” he said, bending his finger, “then I do not answer; Well, if it's real, it doesn't matter: no one abroad will know this, right? And don't talk, don't talk, don't talk!
- Right, come on! You only bind yourself...
“Go to hell,” said Anatole, and, holding his hair, went out into another room and immediately returned and sat down with his feet on an armchair close to Dolokhov. “The devil knows what it is!” BUT? Look how it beats! - He took Dolokhov's hand and put it to his heart. - Ah! quel pied, mon cher, quel regard! Une deesse!! [O! What a leg, my friend, what a look! Goddess!!] Huh?
Dolokhov, smiling coldly and shining with his beautiful, insolent eyes, looked at him, apparently wanting to still have some fun with him.
- Well, the money will come out, then what?
- What then? BUT? - Anatole repeated with sincere bewilderment at the thought of the future. - What then? There I don’t know what… Well, what nonsense to say! He looked at his watch. - It's time!
Anatole went into the back room.
– Well, will you soon? Dig in here! he shouted at the servants.
Dolokhov took away the money and, shouting to a man to order food and drink for the road, entered the room where Khvostikov and Makarin were sitting.
Anatole was lying in the study, leaning on his arm, on the sofa, smiling thoughtfully and softly whispering something to himself with his beautiful mouth.
- Go eat something. Well, have a drink! Dolokhov shouted to him from another room.
- I do not want! - Anatole answered, still smiling.
- Go, Balaga has arrived.
Anatole got up and went into the dining room. Balaga was a well-known troika driver who had known Dolokhov and Anatole for six years and served them with his troikas. More than once, when Anatole's regiment was stationed in Tver, he took him away from Tver in the evening, delivered him to Moscow by dawn, and took him away the next day at night. More than once he took Dolokhov away from the chase, more than once he drove them around the city with gypsies and ladies, as Balaga called. More than once, with their work, he crushed the people and cabbies around Moscow, and his gentlemen, as he called them, always rescued him. He drove more than one horse under them. More than once he was beaten by them, more than once they made him drunk with champagne and Madeira, which he loved, and he knew more than one thing behind each of them, which Siberia would have long deserved for an ordinary person. In their carousing, they often called Balaga, forced him to drink and dance with the gypsies, and more than one thousand of their money passed through his hands. In their service, he risked both his life and his skin twenty times a year, and in their work he overworked more horses than they overpaid him. But he loved them, he loved this crazy ride, eighteen miles an hour, he loved to overturn a cab and crush a pedestrian in Moscow, and fly at full speed through Moscow streets. He loved to hear this wild cry of drunken voices behind him: “Let's go! gone!” while it was already impossible to go any faster; he liked to stretch painfully up the neck of the peasant, who, in any case, was neither dead nor alive, shunned him. "Real gentlemen!" he thought.
Today, the interlocutor of the magazine "Brother" is the president of the Association for Social Protection of Special Purpose Units "Brotherhood" Maroon Berets "Vityaz" Hero of Russia Colonel Sergei Ivanovich Lysyuk.
Sergey Ivanovich, tell us how the fate of the special forces who are transferred to the reserve develops?
People's fates are different. Some are positive, some are not. Unfortunately, we do not currently have any state employment program for people who have received serious special training - a person is transferred to the reserve and simply forgotten about. We in the association consider the employment of such people as a priority task. After all, a person who has returned to civilian life must first of all find a new job for himself so that he can earn money, provide for his family, and at the same time not fall into crime. Fortunately, there are those who share our opinion and are trying in every possible way to support the brothers from the special forces. Among those who have achieved results in this direction, I can name Maxim Alekseevich Kotov, the head of the independent Vityaz-Soyuz Association, which combines several private security companies and enterprises involved in various types business. The organization employs retired special forces soldiers. At the same time, assistance is provided not only to former Vityaz fighters, but also to veterans of other units. More than 80 maroon beret wearers work in the organization. Unfortunately, such a structure in the country is the only one of its kind. No other organization has in its ranks such a number of employees from among the former special forces. We continue to work in this direction.
Another very important aspect which the leaders forget about: special forces veterans are, first of all, highly qualified specialists in military affairs, who, if necessary, are always ready to respond to the call of the Motherland and get back into service. And you do not need to spend time and money on their preparation. And you just need to maintain optimal shape. This, by the way, is another area of our work - from time to time we hold training camps, various seminars, practical exercises with special forces veterans. The purpose of such events is to help maintain morale, ideal physical shape and preserve the special skills acquired by employees during their service. I repeat once again - unfortunately, this is a private initiative, and the state does not provide any practical assistance in this undertaking. After all, it’s like with us: if some kind of situation arises, they begin to think what to do, look for people to complete the task, they begin to call. In this regard, the situation in Baku in the early 1990s is very indicative. Then, in order to resolve the conflict, a large-scale mobilization was carried out - several thousand people were urgently called up for military service. However, I can say that these conscripts had no desire to fight at all, and their appearance was such that the partisans were brave warriors compared to them. That situation received a very wide public outcry. For us, those who stood at the origins of the veterans' movement, this situation served as a signal that war professionals should not be thrown out of the gates of a military unit and forgotten about. They must be in constant readiness so that in case of unforeseen circumstances they can come to the military registration and enlistment office and offer their invaluable knowledge and experience to the state.
Could you tell us more about the veterans camps that you hold?
This event usually lasts about a week. Those military personnel who in the past served in special forces units come to the training camp. The most important goal of these gatherings is to bring the special forces, battle brothers together again, to give them the opportunity to communicate and exchange contacts. A commando will never leave a comrade and will always help him in difficult times. In this regard, such meetings are very important, because there are often situations in civilian life when help is indispensable.
Another important purpose of these fees is to maintain and maintain at a high level the skills that special forces received in the past in the service. We conduct trainings, classes, where we hone the knowledge already gained and give new ones, introduce veterans to new training methods. The main areas of study are shooting, hand-to-hand combat, actions on a special obstacle course. AT different time From 30 to 160 people came to us for such events. Now we are negotiating with the military registration and enlistment offices and other fraternal veteran organizations so that these gatherings can be held not only for the special forces of the internal troops, but also for other branches. After holding such gatherings, it was decided to create regional councils of "maroon berets" in veteran organizations. Today there is a council of "maroon berets" in Siberia, which includes groups of veterans from Novosibirsk, Krasnoyarsk and Barnaul. There are also branches in the Urals and the Volga region. AT this moment we continue to work on the formation of such organizations so that they can unite as many veterans as possible.
Where can I find out about these fees?
We have our own Internet resource: www.bkb-vityaz.ru, where the dates, communication and interaction procedures are determined. In general, there is a lot of information on this site - right now, in particular, we are preparing to celebrate the anniversary of the Vityaz detachment - all the information has already been posted on the Internet, anyone who is interested can familiarize themselves with it. Of course, I would like this page to be visited more people and so that the spetsnaz community in general is more active in the use of high technologies.
Sergei Ivanovich, as far as I understand, today there are quite a lot of veteran organizations created by former special forces of the internal troops. Could you name them?
Among them are the “Brotherhood of Maroon Berets” “Vityaz”, the Independent Association “Vityaz-Soyuz”, the Association “Rus”, the Fund “Rus”, the Association “Reserve”, which has branches in several regions. Recently, a new structure has appeared - the Spetsnaz Foundation. Memory and glory. Through their efforts, a monument was opened in St. Petersburg. I won't name all of them, but I can say that today there are a lot of such organizations and all of them make their contribution to the veterans' movement.
And what other tasks do veteran organizations face besides employment of those transferred to the reserve?
There are many tasks. Providing assistance to the families of deceased employees. As a rule, we pay benefits, a kind of additional payment to a pension. We consider all applications that come to us, and how we can provide assistance. You can also contact through the website. We provide medical assistance and education.
Much is being done to provide practical assistance to the existing special forces units - material support in preparation for business trips, assistance in acquiring equipment and equipment. Our organization is engaged in the production of methodological and visual aids. We distribute all products in special purpose units. Many of you are probably familiar with the posters “Terrorism is a disease. Meet the Doctor" is one of the earliest posters that was designed by me and released in collaboration with the publishing house "Bratishka". At one time, we produced similar posters during hostage rescue operations in Moscow (Nord-Ost) and in Beslan. All this reflects certain stages of our life.
Another aspect of our activity is the establishment of public awards, which are awarded for special distinctions in the service. In our country, unfortunately, people who have committed heroic deeds and shown courage often remain forgotten by the state. Therefore, we decided to issue alternative awards - "Yakov Baklanov", "For the benefit of special forces", "For differences in the special forces service", "Special Forces Sniper" and others. The awarding of these medals is carried out at the request of the councils of the "maroon berets", and they are very popular. great respect among the special forces. At the moment, we are establishing a tactical shooting support fund, which will assist in the development of this area of training and improving the fire skills of special forces. Now we are issuing award badges "Excellent Shooter", "Master Sniper", "Master Machine Gunner". To improve the level of mastery of the skills of high-altitude training, the badge "Master Altitude Worker" was issued. The badge "Master Demoman" is being prepared for release. This is a kind of analogy of the Soviet insignia of the type "Voroshilovsky shooter". Also, at the moment, a group of veterans is actively reviving the martial arts combat system of the "maroon berets" - the best fighters from among the active special forces have united to work on this project. AT next year we are planning to launch this project.
Tell me, is there an exchange of combat experience between veterans and young employees of active units?
There is a non-state educational institution "Vityaz" Training Center. On the basis of this center, we are engaged in both commercial projects, such as the training of bodyguards, collectors and mobile reserves, and we carry out tasks to assist state structures - we train special forces military personnel. Thus, we, in particular, cooperated with the Ministry of Defense - held training camps and trained 150 people for special operations forces. The training program included fire training according to special methods. Now we are assisting the Institute of Border Troops in conducting special tactical training classes. In the course of reforming the special forces of the internal troops, we provided assistance in training the instructor staff of the newly created units. We carry out this activity free of charge. In addition, for the past five years, we have been holding competitions for special forces units - a special-purpose triathlon, where we give employees the opportunity to work out tactical and tactical fire techniques. The winners of the competition receive prizes - cars.
Do veterans do any work with the youth, the younger generation?
We constantly conduct military-patriotic training camps. Students of the Moscow Financial and Industrial Academy regularly come to the Vityaz Training Center, with whom we conduct courses on the ABC of Security and Together Against Terrorists. These programs have been in existence for over five years. Among the veterans there are many who are not indifferent to the fate of modern boys and girls and who are engaged in comprehensive training of youth. For example, in the Moscow and Leningrad regions there are several former special forces soldiers who run the military-patriotic clubs they created. Unfortunately, such organizations are fragmented, and state support is needed for their more successful functioning.
Under the auspices of your organization, the maroon beret exam for veterans has been held for two years in a row.
We decided to organize such an event for a number of reasons. And the main reason is that about three years ago, conscripts were forbidden to take on maroon berets. But after all, many who went to serve in the special forces of the internal troops dreamed of earning a maroon beret during their military service. And as a result, only contractors can now take a beret. Many people were very upset by this fact, this situation received a wide response in the special forces environment. The veterans decided to conduct an exam on the beret for those who, for whatever reason, could not get it during their service. There have been two passes. Fairly successful. The last one took place on September 3 this year. In the future, we plan to carry out such deliveries annually, approximately at the end of summer.
Sergey Ivanovich, was it hard for you in civilian life after you retired to the reserve?
I retired in 1996, but in fact I am still in the service. I constantly communicate with special forces, conduct seminars, classes, organize competitions, meet with veterans of foreign special forces units. For example, tomorrow I'm going to Belarus for an international anti-terrorist camp.
Could you tell us more about the exchange of experience with colleagues from abroad?
When foreign business trips for the purpose of exchanging experience are carried out at the official level, then, as a rule, no one gives much information to official structures. Usually some standard set of knowledge is given, which is not always useful or applicable to life. We have fairly close relationships with veterans of the German, Polish, Czech, Serbian special forces. Communicating with them at the veteran level, we learn everything new that appears in the spetsnaz world: special tactics, equipment, equipment, special fire training. And we pass this information on to our colleagues in the special forces, who put this knowledge into practice.
Sergei Ivanovich, at the end of the interview, your congratulations to the Vityaz veterans.
This year we are celebrating not only the thirty-fifth anniversary of the URSN (special purpose training company). In fact, this is the birthday of all special forces of the internal troops of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia.
I would like to congratulate all the special purpose people on this holiday and wish them luck, luck and once again luck. I wish wisdom to the commanders. To never lose. I wish the veterans health, success in their work and social activities. And all together health, happiness and all the best. Happy holiday, brothers!
On March 27, Russia celebrated the Day of the Internal Troops. About the special operations of the special forces detachment "Vityaz", as in 1993 in Ostankino "Dzerzhinsky" did not allow much bloodshed and unleashing civil war, about the brotherhood of "Maroon Berets" - about this Truth. Ru was told by the colonel of the special forces detachment, Hero of Russia Sergey Lysyuk.
"Maroon berets - the guarantor of the Constitution"
- Sergey Ivanovich, they say that without you it is difficult to imagine military special forces. Have you dreamed of serving since childhood?
- Yes. My father is a military man, all my childhood was spent in military camps. A fairly conscious desire to become a military man appeared in me when from 1959 to 1960 we were in the Polish People's Republic. My father was then the deputy commander of the autorote of the 7th motorized rifle regiment. As I remember now: military unit- field mail 51412. Naturally, our childhood passed between the barracks, clubs, training grounds. Several times they were pulled out of the shooting range before the shooting started.
From the age of five until the end of school, I wanted to be a border guard. When we crossed the state border in Brest, I looked with envy at people in green caps. When I entered the Moscow border school, I was rejected by the commission. Related parts are internal troops. The Ordzhonikidzievsk school used to be a border school. So I entered this school.
I set a goal for myself - to serve in the Dzerzhinsky division - OMSDO - a separate motorized rifle division for special purposes. She had to fight saboteurs, terrorists, to ensure the security of the country. At the school
- When and where did your baptism of fire take place?
— We were torn to Afghanistan quite a lot. I wrote five or six reports, but they didn't let me go. The internal troops have nothing to do there. Advisors and certain categories of soldiers and ensigns were sent there - gunners and armored personnel carrier drivers. And they didn't take us there at first.
For me, the first hot spot was Sumgayit. I was on vacation, I had Small child wife was pregnant with her second child. When the boil began there, the division was on the ears, I went to find out and said: write me a business trip. Colonel Rakitin (now a general) says: you're on vacation, you're not going anywhere.
I arbitrarily flew there, and then I was called back from vacation, as it were. After Sumgayit we ended up in Armenia, then Baku... I was not at home for about four months. In general, there were business trips up to 8 months a year. Suddenly raised to Fergana. There were taken hostage a large number of people in a department store. They were blocked and wanted to set fire to. We freed people and caught extremists. Then there was Karabakh, in fact, the whole of Transcaucasia several times. Were in Transnistria. Then there were operations to free hostages in corrective labor colonies.
In hot spots, they mainly worked to disarm illegal military formations. There was a fairly serious operation in Karabakh, when we disarmed an illegal formation of 25-30 people. During the flight, one officer said that he sees their base, the group wants to leave this place. We flew there in six helicopters and blockaded this group. I started to negotiate. After a few hours he persuaded them to hand over their weapons. In fact, they stood opposite each other for four hours - a cartridge in the chamber, grenades loaded. In different periods there was either active work or almost none.
It depended on the political leadership of the country. When Gorbachev was in power, we were often ordered to start disarming illegal formations, and then this combat mission was canceled. Pass only passed - Stop! Back! Stop, wait. Again you can, then you can't. It was somehow indecisive. Or they have already surrounded us, and they tell us to move away. Some local elite called to the very top, they reached Gorbachev and said that there was no need to do anything. And the central government followed their lead. It was this softness that led to the collapse of the Soviet Union.
“Did you have to disobey an order and complete the operation?”
- It was in Sukhumi when hostages were taken in the temporary detention facility. The organizer was sentenced to death penalty. A year before, we were already in Sukhumi, disarming the population, when one village stood up against another. And in the pre-trial detention center we had already drawn up a plan, we were ready to start the operation. Then General Starikov comes and says: no, you will not go, let Alpha storm. Karpukhin and I went and contacted Kryuchkov and told him what the situation was. But no one made a decision, everyone moved off the topic. We started to escalate: like - the situation is getting out of control, we urgently need to storm. But there was no order to storm from Gorbachev. Kryuchkov also said something vague.
We returned and Karpukhin said: "They said to storm." The prosecutor, who was nearby, as soon as they gave him a plan to sign, disappeared somewhere, so the assault plan was never signed. But we did as planned. The operation was carried out normally in a few minutes.
- Sergey Ivanovich, you stood at the origins of the Vityaz detachment. Is this your child?
Mine is loud. - So many people think. - The idea of such special forces was born in 1978. A political decision was made by the Central Committee of the CPSU for the Olympic Games. We consider Lieutenant General Sidorov the father of special forces. He was a front-line soldier, commanded penitentiaries, head of combat training. This is our father, who actually created the special forces, he considered the opinion of the soldiers. He was so tough, strong, fighting. The development of special forces was given by the commander of the internal troops, Colonel General Shatalin Yury Vasilyevich. He is like a godfather to us.
Well, we showed initiative, creativity, loved and did our job, tried to make our unit better. I served for 17 years, tried to make various innovations, ideas accepted, come. Not everything was according to orders, according to charters, officially. The same surrender to the right to wear maroon berets began to take place officially only after 1993. Before that, we didn't even talk about it. Because there were such serious tests that were not included in the combat training plans. We entered into the plans that this was a test session, no one really knew that we were handing out berets there.
But such moments contribute to the formation of the fighting character and spirit of people, because above all in special forces it is the spirit. The spirit that was planted then remains today. These are the traditions, those fighters who were the first to serve as an example. The special forces of the internal troops are really the elite, they are authoritative structures. And the fact that any of the most difficult tasks that are assigned to them are carried out is precisely the merit of the first people who laid down the traditions.
- Why did you receive the Star of the Hero in 1993?
- These were the events when presidential rule was introduced in September 1993 due to a conflict of powers. At the cost of blood, a larger tragedy, like the one that is now happening in Ukraine, was stopped. We could come to this at that moment. Also a big mistake was about the first Chechen campaign when Yeltsin was unable to show flexibility and meet with Dudayev, agree on and resolve issues politically. In any situation, above all else is negotiation. The wisdom of politicians is above all. It's always better to avoid a lot of bloodshed. But what happened, happened.
And in 1993, I received the task of guarding the television center when the events near the White House began. As we were moving, we were overtaken by a team of rebels. People were excited, joyful, some with weapons, some without. When we drove up to the television center, there were already more than a thousand people on the square. There were 20 people with me on the first armored personnel carrier. We ran down the corridor and ran into Makashov and the armed men in the lobby. We ordered them to leave the building under threat of being shot. If we were even 30-40 seconds late, they would have already entered. Then we would have to fight inside the building. We took up positions.
And the rebels began to revive. They started shooting. Among our fighters there were dead. The first attack was repulsed, and then they were not allowed to approach. There were a few more attacks, but not very intense. We made it. There was little blood. Then the situation was reversed. Makashov is a military man, he is a performer. But Rutskoi was the political leader. And the Dzerzhinsky division has always been and remains the guarantor of stability.
See also photo essay
